As a member of the Patriotic Citizens’ Association of the Republic of Korea, I respectfully provide this document to the Homeland Alliance for reference in its work.
This demand letter was delivered by mail to President Park on March 16.

 

 

 

 

Demand for Restoration of Presidential Duties
대통령 직무 복귀 촉구 최고서(催告書)

 

 

Recipient:

President of the Republic of Korea (Park Keun-hye)

 

 

Sender: Park Sang-gu

 

 

Demandants: Park Sang-gu and six others

 

 

Date: March 13, 2026

Demand for Restoration of Presidential Duties (催告書)

 

Honorable President Park Keun-hye,
First of all, I sincerely wish for your continued health and well-being.

 

As our Constitutional guardians Group has repeatedly stated through documents and published books, Your Excellency received a decision of “dismissal” from the Constitutional Court on March 10, 2017, and stepped down from the presidential office.

 

However, that dismissal, like a mere finger-pointing gesture, was an unlawful decision that committed multiple violations and therefore failed to produce any legal effect as a genuine dismissal.

 

Nevertheless, due to this nationwide legal error and the cowardice of those who recognize it yet hesitate to speak the truth of justice, the Republic of Korea has suffered for nine years under unlawful governance by illegitimate regimes.

 

The reluctance to voice the truth contained in the Constitution and justice has brought the nation to the brink of losing its identity as a free democratic republic, rapidly advancing toward communism and socialism.

 

Legislative proposals such as ‘the Residents’ Autonomy Basic Act’ already foreshadow a system resembling North Korea’s cell-based governance, predicting disastrous social phenomena after national ruin.

 

Institutions have been reshaped to protect illegitimate regimes: the establishment of the Corruption Investigation Office, the expansion of police authority, the deprivation of prosecutorial powers, and eventually the passage of a bill to abolish the Prosecutor’s Office, reducing it to a temporary institution.

 

Furthermore, the judiciary has fallen under the control of the Democratic Party, comparable to North Korea’s Workers’ Party, producing laws that threaten the very foundation of the nation.

 

Since Your Excellency stepped down, the Moon Jae-in administration promoted the banner of “Anti-Moon Alliance,” intending to recognize Moon as president, while diverting patriotic rallies away from the cause of invalidating impeachment toward movements against election fraud, splitting gatherings in Gwanghwamun and Gangnam.

 

Under Yoon Suk-yeol’s martial law resistance, the slogan “Yoon Again” continued to foster national division, while Lee Jae-myung exercised illegitimate presidential authority.

 

Even though acquittal in Yoon’s criminal trial would not restore his authority, certain forces continued to incite empty slogans.

 

The foremost factor in the ruin of the Republic of Korea has been national division.

 

Since the impeachment crisis of 2016, schemes of division have been blatant.

 

In the face of national division, advanced defense equipment and the Korea-U.S. alliance become useless.

 

The unity forged by Presidents Syngman Rhee and Park Chung-hee through anti-communism, counterintelligence, self-defense, and the Saemaul Movement has nearly been shattered.

 

The illegitimate regimes of Moon Jae-in, Yoon Suk-yeol, and Lee Jae-myung have pursued policies of division, destruction of security, and financial deterioration.

They were all part of a cartel of betrayal leading the nation to ruin.

 

In the spring and summer of 2024, we submitted petitions and the book Defending the Constitution is the Mission of the People to ministers and vice-ministers, exposing the illegitimacy of the regime.

As a result, thirteen ministers and vice-ministers resigned.

 

Prime Minister Han Duck-soo also intended to resign but was dissuaded by Yoon Suk-yeol, later regretting his decision deeply.

 

Our Constitutional Guardians Group has continued to denounce the illegitimacy of these regimes, yet has never once been subjected to defamation or insult charges from them, persisting in lawful resistance.

 

This is possible because the impeachment dismissal decision against Your Excellency was clearly invalid.

 

Since you were not lawfully dismissed, you remain the President of the Republic of Korea. Conversely, Moon, Yoon, and Lee are rightly condemned as illegitimate rulers.

 

Across more than eighty lawsuits, absurd and cowardly judgments have revealed the extent of lawlessness in our society, exposing the shamelessness of judges’ lack of legal conscience.

 

By leading the hollowing out of the Constitution, national institutions expelled Your Excellency, and thus the identity of the free democratic Republic of Korea is collapsing, openly advancing toward communization and socialism.

 

As the Constitutional Defense Group, having foreseen a situation where such blatant pursuit of change would inevitably be recognized, we had no choice but to engage in lawful struggle with precise legal reasoning.

 

This is not a situation of “what difference does it make,” but rather one where the nation is collapsing. History, both ancient and modern, already tells us what fate awaits the people afterward.

 

When it was possible to struggle, we had to struggle to the utmost. It was never an enjoyable matter, but a difficult task carried out for many years, which has now become an indomitable conviction.

 

This struggle has not been a mere repetition of the same actions, but has continued with slight variations in technique.

 

Once again, we intend to file a “lawsuit to confirm illegality of omission,” as previously done, against the failure to exercise the authority of the legitimate President.

 

In such a lawsuit, the demand letter urging the legitimate President to return to office must accompany the filing as a requirement.

 

In other words, because the impeachment dismissal was unlawful and void, and Your Excellency has not been lawfully removed, the failure to exercise presidential authority constitutes an omission.

 

As plaintiffs, the people are suffering unlawful governance from illegitimate rulers, and in this state, the omission of not returning to office and exercising authority as the legitimate President must be confirmed by the court as unlawful.

 

The hardships you have endured as President cannot be fully expressed in words or writing.

 

Looking back at the politics of betrayal, it is understandable that you would not wish to re-enter such a scene.

 

Yet, whether by declaring a return to office or by declaring resignation as the legitimate President, it would provide an opportunity to end the illegitimate regime that has persisted for nine years and restore the rule of law.

 

By fulfilling your constitutional duty, the people will no longer suffer unlawful governance.

 

Up to now, we have denounced illegitimate regimes through lawful struggle in various ways, but at the same time, there exists the illegality of omission on your part in not exercising presidential authority.

 

¹ Whether it be a ruling that illegitimate rulers have no presidential authority,

² or a ruling that Your Excellency is unlawful in failing to exercise authority,

³ or a ruling that illegitimate regimes must pay damages for unlawful governance,

⁴or a ruling that criminal punishment must follow complaints against them

—any one of these rulings would extend to all others.

 

Thus, we have pursued techniques of lawful struggle in various ways, and among them, we now intend to file a “lawsuit to confirm illegality of omission” against Your Excellency, for which this demand letter serves as a requirement.

 

Demand: By March 31, 2026, please declare that you are the legitimate President of the Republic of Korea, and by April 15 of the same year, please either declare return to office or resignation.

If, despite this demand, you do not comply, we will inevitably proceed with the “lawsuit to confirm illegality of omission.”

 

Your return to office does not require retrial, for the so-called “dismissal” of unlawful impeachment produced no legal effect whatsoever.

 

Retrial is only necessary to overturn something valid, but in the case of an act that was void from the outset, retrial is unnecessary.

 

Moreover, such a declaration of nullity can be made by any third party, not only the person concerned, without restriction of time, place, or manner, and this principle has been established by numerous Supreme Court precedents.

 

Therefore, the Constitutional Guardians Group declares the nullity of the dismissal.

 

Yet, as if the chirping of birds deep in the forest unrecognized by the world, it has been ignored, and its value has not yet been realized.

 

The illegitimate regimes have ensured such nullity is disregarded, the media has covered up their illegality and injustice, and the judiciary’s cowardly rulings have shown the very model of evasive and nonsensical judgments, making the nation itself a “lawless state.”

 

Meanwhile, in lawsuits demanding damages for unlawful governance, sixteen legal representatives from the Ministry of Justice, the National Assembly, the Constitutional Court, and the National Election Commission have opposed the Constitutional Defense Group in legal confrontation.

 

Yet, if only proper rulings were rendered, there is no reason for plaintiffs to lose, even against all the nation’s lawyers, for we possess perfect legal reasoning.

 

We have continuously sought to obtain the authority of institutions by securing credible rulings from courts or arrests of illegitimate rulers by investigative agencies.

 

Here is a brief summary of the legal reasoning for the invalidity of the unlawful impeachment against Your Excellency:

 

  • Special Prosecutor Park Young-soo and the Seoul District Prosecutors’ Office unlawfully and unjustly provided investigation records, documents, and audio files to the impeachment trial on thirteen occasions.

 

  • The evidence for impeachment lacked the level required by law, relying only on rumors spread by false media.

 

  • The impeachment resolution was arbitrarily altered and submitted as a “preparatory brief” without re-approval by the National Assembly, violating Article 95 of the National Assembly Act.

 

  • Impeachment of a President without crimes of insurrection or treason, based on the lower Constitutional Court Act rather than the supreme Constitution, was itself a rebellion.

 

  • The judges instructed alteration of the impeachment bill, committing instigation of forgery of official documents.

 

  • They avoided the duty of appointment under Article 6 of the Constitutional Court Act and deliberately failed to form the full bench required under Article 22.

 

  • With only eight judges, they violated Article 23, which allows only “deliberation,” yet proceeded to issue a “decision.”

 

  • The Court assisted the prosecutors, violating Article 32 by using illegally collected evidence to unjustly dismiss the President.

 

  • The President, innocent of insurrection or treason, suffered grave infringement of the constitutional right to trial.

 

  • They retroactively applied the “Improper Solicitation and Graft Act,” enacted after the alleged acts, to the impeachment.

 

  • The essence of the constitutional right to trial was violated, contrary to general principles of law.

 

  • Judges, who should have judged independently according to conscience, all voted unanimously for impeachment, resembling a people’s court.

 

  • Even the judges, who should have been neutral, acted as another team of prosecutors, turning the trial into a 2:1 scheme of rebellion.

 

Following this unlawful dismissal, the National Election Commission failed to recognize that President Park Geun-hye had not been lawfully removed, and conducted a void presidential election, issuing a certificate of election to the majority vote-getter, thereby enabling illegitimate rule.

On May 9, 2017, a by-election was held within sixty days of alleged vacancy, but instead of granting only the remainder of the term, a full five-year term was given, expanding unlawful governance.

 

Although the Election Commission claims no basis under the Public Official Election Act to judge validity, under the higher Constitution Article 7, responsibility lies with the people.

 

Thus, by connection with preceding and subsequent unlawful acts, liability for rebellion against the Constitution is established.

 

The National Assembly, Constitutional Court, and Election Commission paved the way for illegitimate regimes.

 

Moon Jae-in, Yoon Suk-yeol, and Lee Jae-myung obstructed official duties by fraudulent candidacy in void elections, receiving certificates of election unlawfully.

 

They disrupted the Constitution, unlawfully detaining the legitimate President, rendering her authority impossible, arbitrarily enacting or abolishing laws, and altering institutional functions.

 

Without legitimacy, they mobilized officials to aid their regime, misappropriated national finances, and used them for projects leading to national ruin.

 

For nine years, they have unlawfully seized national sovereignty, inflicting harm on the state and people.

 

Thus, the legal reasoning for invalid dismissal is as above.

 

Because impeachment and the subsequent election were void, the President was not lawfully removed and remains the legitimate President.

 

We urge Your Excellency to fulfill the constitutional duty of restoring destroyed constitutional order.

 

Your stepping down was not a free decision, but deception under the guise of impeachment procedure.

 

Even if there was a pledge restricting objections, made under house arrest or coercion, it was unlawful and void.

 

Though you endured investigation, trial, and detention, all were unlawful acts of crime against you.

 

Just as ignorance does not excuse crime, yielding authority under mistaken belief was not free will, and your diminished authority must be restored.

 

The authority of the President is not a personal right but one granted by the people under the Constitution and law.

 

Even if you choose to relinquish it, it must be done freely and lawfully, not by deception or unlawful coercion.

 

Therefore, there is no reason for hesitation or discomfort.

 

We, the leaders of the Constitutional Guardians Group, hereby demand that you fulfill the contents of this demand within the stated deadline. If not fulfilled, we will inevitably file a “lawsuit to confirm illegality of omission.”

 

March 13, 2026

 

Recipient: President of the Republic of Korea (Park Keun-hye)

 

Sender: Park Sang-gu

 

Demandants: Park Sang-gu and six others